Tag: Donald Trump


The Congressional Review Act and the Biden Administration’s Approach to Financial Regulation

Paul Rose is the Robert J. Watkins/Procter & Gamble Professor of Law and Christopher J. Walker is the John W. Bricker Professor of Law at The Ohio State University Moritz College of Law. This post builds on their recent report (discussed on the Forum here).

Within hours of taking office, President Biden moved aggressively to begin to dismantle much of the Trump administration’s regulatory legacy—issuing a series of executive orders that either changed regulatory policy directly or directed federal agencies to do so. Indeed, the Biden administration’s work to reform the regulatory state started weeks before inauguration, with its concerted efforts to nominate and appoint leaders to run the federal agencies that would implement its regulatory agenda. Competent and loyal agency leadership, coupled with tailored presidential directives, will go a long way toward reshaping the regulatory state to better conform to the Biden administration’s vision.

But it won’t be enough. Much of the Trump administration’s regulatory legacy has been codified in regulation, including an aggressive issuance of “midnight rules” promulgated in the final months of the Trump presidency. As Dick Pierce explains, there are three main ways to reverse a prior administration’s rule. First, the agency could engage in a new notice-and-comment rulemaking to rescind (and perhaps replace) the rule. That approach requires substantial agency resources and could take months if not years to finalize. Second, the agency could just refuse to defend the rule in litigation, letting courts vacate and set it aside. This is Professor Pierce’s preferred approach. But it, too, has limitations. Especially in the financial regulation space, those who supported the rule would no doubt try to intervene to defend it. And, unless there is no reasonable ground to defend the rule, there are deeper rule-of-law questions implicated by the government’s failure to defend a rule—questions that far exceed the ambitions of this post. Third, Congress and the president could utilize the Congressional Review Act (CRA) to repeal the rule.

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New Executive Order Bans Investment in 31 Chinese Companies

Ama Adams is partner, Brendan Hanifin is counsel, and Emerson Siegle is an associate at Ropes & Gray LLP. This post is based on their Ropes & Gray memorandum.

On November 12, President Donald Trump signed an Executive Order on Addressing the Threat from Securities Investments that Finance Communist Chinese Military Companies (the “Executive Order”). [1] The Executive Order states that the People’s Republic of China (“PRC”) is “increasingly exploiting United States capital to resource and to enable the development and modernization of its military, intelligence, and other security apparatuses, which . . . directly threaten[s] the United States homeland and United States forces overseas.” The Executive Order declares a national emergency requiring action to prevent the PRC from “exploit[ing] United States investors to finance the development and modernization of [the PRC’s] military.” [2]

As detailed below, the Executive Order will prohibit U.S. persons [3] from purchasing or investing in publicly traded securities [4] of companies identified by the U.S. government as “Communist Chinese military companies.” The term “Communist Chinese military company” includes any company that the U.S. Department of Defense (“DOD”) has identified pursuant to Section 1237 of the National Defense Authorization Act for FY 1999. Currently, 31 companies meet this criterion, including two companies whose shares are traded on U.S. exchanges. [5] The list of firms includes aerospace, shipbuilding, construction, technology and communication companies.

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All the President’s Friends: Political Access and Firm Value

Jeffrey R. Brown is Josef and Margot Lakonishok Professor of Business and Dean of the College of Business and Jiekun Huang is an associate professor of finance and Vernon Zimmerman Faculty Fellow at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Gies College of Business. This post is based on their recent paper, forthcoming in the Journal of Financial Economics.

Access to political decision-makers is a scarce resource because politicians and their aides have limited time and can only interact with a limited set of people. Gaining political access can be of significant value for corporations, particularly because governments play an increasingly prominent role in influencing firms. Governments affect economic activities not only through regulations but also by playing the role of customers, financiers, and partners of firms in the private sector. There is ample anecdotal evidence suggesting that firms benefit from gaining access to powerful politicians. For example, a Wall Street Journal (2015) article claims that Google executives’ frequent visits to the White House were instrumental in the Federal Trade Commission’s decision to drop its antitrust investigation of the company. Gaining and maintaining access to influential policymakers can be an important source of competitive advantage for companies. Yet despite the importance of political access for firms, the allocation of political access across firms and its effects on firm value remains underexplored.

In our paper, All the President’s Friends: Political Access and Firm Value, published in the Journal of Financial Economics, we investigate the characteristics of firms with political access as well as the valuation effects of political access for corporations. Using a data set of White House visitor logs, we identify top corporate executives of S&P 1500 firms that have face-to-face meetings with high-level federal government officials. We examine two fundamental questions associated with political access. First, how prevalent is political access—in the literal form of meetings with influential policymakers—and what are the characteristics of firms with access to politicians? Second, does political access increase firm value, and if so, through what channels?

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Trump Legacy: Boom in Corporate Political Disclosure

Bruce F. Freed is President, Karl J. Sandstrom is counsel, and Dan Carroll is Vice President for Programs at the Center for Political Accountability. This post is based on their CPA memorandum. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes Shining Light on Corporate Political Spending by Lucian Bebchuk and Robert J. Jackson Jr., (discussed on the Forum here) and The Untenable Case for Keeping Investors in the Dark by Lucian Bebchuk, Robert J. Jackson Jr., James David Nelson, and Roberto Tallarita (discussed on the Forum here).

How has the Trump presidency impacted corporate political disclosure and accountability? The answer might come as a surprise. It’s been a boon and a boom.

Over the past four years, more large publicly held U.S. companies than ever before have adopted sound transparency and oversight practices for their political spending. This trend has strengthened between the 2016 presidential election and next month’s, according to the 2020 CPA-Zicklin Index released this month.

The annual benchmarking of the S&P 500 companies is conducted by the Center for Political Accountability and The Wharton School’s Zicklin Center for Business Ethics Research. It rates the largest U.S. public companies for their political disclosure and accountability and includes these major findings:

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Presidential Authority to Ban Companies from Operating in China

Brad S. Karp is chairman and Roberto J. Gonzalez and Jessica S. Carey are partners at Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison LLP. This post is based on a Paul, Weiss memorandum by Mr. Karp, Mr. Gonzalez, Ms. Carey, Richard S. Elliott and Joshua R. Thompson.

On August 23, 2019, President Trump tweeted that “American companies are hereby ordered to immediately start looking for an alternative to China, including bringing. . .your companies [home] and making products in the USA.” [1] In further tweets, the President raised a series of grievances with China, including intellectual property theft, and ordered several U.S. companies to begin searching for and refusing all deliveries of fentanyl from China. [2] Responding to press reaction questioning the authority for his directives, President Trump tweeted: “For all the Fake News Reporters that don’t have a clue as to what the law is relative to Presidential powers, China, etc., try looking at the Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977. Case closed!” [3]

Although viewed by many observers as a negotiating tactic, the President’s threatened ban on U.S. business in China has provoked debate over whether such action would be authorized by the statute he cites, the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (“IEEPA”), and vulnerable to other legal challenges. Below we provide an overview of the relevant legal issues.

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A Roadmap for President Trump’s Crypto-Crackdown

John Reed Stark is President at John Reed Stark Consulting LLC. This post is based on his memorandum.

Last week, at 8:15 PM EST on July 11th, 2019, in a thunderous tweet-storm, President Donald Trump officially lambasted Bitcoin and all other cryptocurrencies:

Not surprisingly, the cryptocurrency market, which tends to feed on attention, celebrated President Trump’s tweets. In fact, many in the cryptocurrency community brazenly spun President Trump’s tweets as validation that cryptocurrencies have finally arrived as a staple of global finance. Coinbase CEO Brian Armstrong tweeted to his 300K+ followers:

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In Corporations We Trust: Ongoing Deregulation and Government Protections

Mark Lebovitch is partner and Jacob Spaid is an associate at Bernstein Litowitz Berger & Grossmann LLP. This post is based on their BLB&G memorandum.

Several administration priorities are endangering financial markets by reducing corporate accountability and transparency.

Nearly two years into the Trump presidency, extensive deregulation is raising risks for investors. Several of the administration’s priorities are endangering financial markets by reducing corporate accountability and transparency. SEC enforcement actions under the Administration continue to lag previous years. The Trump administration has also instructed the SEC to study reducing companies’ reporting obligations to investors, including by abandoning a hallmark of corporate disclosure: the quarterly earnings report. Meanwhile, President Trump and Congress have passed new legislation loosening regulations on the same banks that played a central role in the Great Recession. It is important for institutional investors to stay abreast of these emerging developments as they contemplate the risk of their investments amid stark changes in the regulatory landscape.

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Guiding Our Way to Quarterly Behavior? Promoting Long-Term Thinking and Greater Transparency

Sarah Williamson is the Chief Executive Officer of FCLTGlobal. This post is based on a FCLTGlobal memorandum by Ms. Williamson. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes The Myth that Insulating Boards Serves Long-Term Value by Lucian Bebchuk (discussed on the Forum here),  Short-Termism and Capital Flows by Jesse Fried and Charles C. Y. Wang (discussed on the Forum here), and Can We Do Better by Ordinary Investors? A Pragmatic Reaction to the Dueling Ideological Mythologists of Corporate Law by Leo E. Strine (discussed on the Forum here).

By now, most business-watchers have seen the president’s tweet asking the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to study the requirement that US public companies release earnings quarterly. With this message, President Trump has focused attention on the short-term mentality that too often characterizes American business.

The tweet, which followed his discussion with Pepsi CEO Indra Nooyi about how to better orient corporations towards a more long-term view, has provoked a flurry of discussion on how corporations can take a longer-term approach to business and investment decisions, and in doing so, fuel growth and innovation in their communities.

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On Elon Musk, Donald Trump, and Corporate Governance

Alissa Kole Amico is the Managing Director of GOVERN. This post is based on a GOVERN memorandum by Ms. Amico.

There was something Trumpian in Elon Musk’s tweet about taking Tesla private. “Am considering taking Tesla private at $420. Funding secured”, he boldly and succinctly announced on August 7, claiming that the necessary capital has been confirmed from the Public Investment Fund (PIF), the Saudi sovereign fund that is seeking to become the region’s largest according to the ambitions of its government, including through the much-debated public offering of Saudi Aramco.

Like in a Mexican soap opera, news about the PIF raising fresh capital through the transfer of its 70% stake in SABIC, the Saudi $100 billion petrochemicals giant and the largest listed company in the Kingdom to Saudi Aramco, as well its talks with Tesla’s rival Lucid followed shortly, immediately highlighting the perils of instant communication. As it turns out, tweeting 280-character messages is straightforward, explaining them takes a little more character and significantly more characters.

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Would a Shift to Semiannual Reporting Really Affect Short-Termism?

Cydney S. Posner is special counsel at Cooley LLP. This post is based on a Cooley memorandum by Ms. Posner. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes The Myth that Insulating Boards Serves Long-Term Value by Lucian Bebchuk (discussed on the Forum here); Short-Termism and Capital Flows by Jesse Fried and Charles C. Y. Wang (discussed on the Forum here); and Stock Market Short-Termism’s Impact by Mark Roe (discussed on the Forum here).

You remember, of course, that last month, the president, on his way out of town for the weekend, tossed out to reporters the idea of eliminating quarterly reporting. (See this PubCo post.) The argument is that the change would not only help to deter “short-termism,” it would also save all public companies substantial time and money. But how meritorious is that idea? According to this article in the WSJ, if a change from quarterly reporting to semiannual reporting were actually implemented, smaller companies could experience significant cost savings, but large companies—not so much.

While it may be debatable whether a shift from quarterly to semiannual reporting would have any real effect on short-termism, there’s not much question, the article asserts, that it would save time and costs, at least for some companies. The article maintains, however, that

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